Break Through The Tradition

Working is the most common and long accustomed way of generating wealth.

An unemployed one is always associated with premature, instability and unreliability.

Tradition is always hard to break. What's more, it is such a long held tradition.

History shows, transformation requires innovation and a strong sense of courage and vision.

There are simply many ways out. Employment should be the last resort, not the priority.

Now, I need the courage and vision to break through the tradition.

All the Best! =)

Stereotype

Does it hold some truth to say the following?

1) Chinese are generally selfish and greedy;

2) Malay are generally lazy and weak on Math; and

3) Indian are generally violent.

The first and "reasonable" explanation comes to most people's mind is the idea of stereotype.

Why? Perhaps, it is because stereotype offers a reasonable and convenient explanation to the mystery.

"Stereotype is a bad thing"

"To say so is simply wrong because there are Chinese who are very altruistic, there are Malay who are very hard-working and good on Math and there are also Indian who are extremely soft, polite and kind..."

"We should not stereotype!"

How do people react when someone is claiming that French are generally more romantic and Japanese are generally more polite?

It sounds OK to most people and I do not think that people would actually stand up and bang on the table claiming that it is wrong to say so because it is a stereotype.

I do hope to meet someone who can actually offer me a more surprising and comprehensive analysis of the community in the following way:

Chinese are generally so and so BECAUSE they are.....they have been taught.... their education...background...bla bla bla...........

Malay are generally so and so BECAUSE they are........

Indian are generally so and so BECAUSE they are.......

(Explanations which are truly logical, reasonable, statistical and scientific)

Though I am fully aware that the statement is not the whole truth. =)

A New Resolution

3 years have passed and I've finally stepped into the final phrase.

There are, after all, great memories.

Lots of friends and knowledge have been gained, though lots of time have been wasted too, like many others.

If I were to decide once again, I would definitely make the same decision again to come here.

It's simply wonderful to be here with everyone and everything.

Yet, time is going against me with an ever stronger force. It's cruel but I've decided:

To get the best out of the best!

J.Gan
=p

Why hate BERSIH?

Believe what your eyes have been observing and what your ears have been listening to.

There are people out there thrashing and cursing BERSIH organizers and BERSIH rally (for those who are clueless as to what ‘BERSIH’ is all about, please feel free to check it out on http://bersih.org/?page_id=4109).

Oppositions to BERSIH had wanted its rally to be called off almost instantly even if by force. As much as one could view a lack of ‘sportsmanship’ in their behavior, we as comparatively similar observers and romantic patriots of Malaysia cannot simply ignore their voices and reasons or we might just end up similarly criticizing them abusively. Then we would not be any different from them, would we (just food for thought)? Rather, let us analyze the reasons behind the opposing views before we can fully appreciate the beauty behind a broken mirror and eventually head towards building a truly united nation emphasized on mature and civilized freedom of speech.

I have been making several personal observations for the past weeks which have permitted me to identify few possible reasons for the objections and criticisms against BERSIH:

1. BERSIH is politically motivated.

2. Street rally is undemocratic, uncivilized and against Malaysian culture.

3. BERSIH is sending a wrong impression to the international community.

4. BERSIH is causing a lot of damage to the country.

5. BERSIH is not being held at the right place.

6. BERSIH is provocative and threatens the security of the country.

Do any of these allegations sound familiar to you? Surely they must have. These views and reasons have been widely disseminated not only by word-of-mouth, but they also have been deeply embedded into the mindsets of many Malaysians especially by Malaysia’s main stream media in the course of interviewing our respected Ministers or through television advertisements.

How true are these indictments as propounded by Ministers, the media or even by the people themselves? Let us explore these allegations together.

1) BERSIH is politically motivated.

BERSIH organizers say that BERSIH is in no way involved in politics. Do you believe it? Of course not (at least for those who are opposing the street rally)! So, why do they believe the BERSIH rally is politically motivated? There are two possible reasons. Firstly, most Opposition parties are supporting the street rally. Secondly, Malaysia’s General Election is just around the corner some three years after the 2008 political tsunami. It is only sensible to believe that the Opposition may be trying to exploit the event to their benefit, hence rendering the BERSIH demonstration a politically motivated move.

Let us deal with the first reason. BERSIH has, in fact, invited all political parties, including Barisan Nasional allies, to join its effort to peacefully but persuasively call for a clean election. Unfortunately, such a noble fight is seemingly entertained only by Opposition parties, and not by the country’s ruling power. One highly probable and logical reason for the ruling power’s refusal to join BERSIH’s call is that joining the BERSIH rally is tantamount to admitting that past elections have been unclean and the results have been tainted with. Opposition parties, with nothing to lose, join it with full force. Should the Oppositions keep away from every good cause simply to avoid the accusation of being a political influence? This view does not amuse me but is rather baffling.

Although it could be true that the Opposition is exploiting the street rally to gain back its momentum for the upcoming General Election, can this be a justifiable excuse to condemn the rally as being wholly politically motivated regardless of the organizers’ possibly noble objectives?

In a democracy, it is only fair and reasonable for any Opposition political parties to request for a clean, reliable and impartial voting system to enable all parties to have a fair fight in the every general election. There is nothing ‘dirty’ about having an Opposition calling for ‘CLEAN’ and ‘BERSIH’ elections. Politically, that’s a logical and beneficial move for any parties in the Opposition. However, that does not warrant one to claim that the BERSIH rally is indeed a political rally. Instead, it is a necessary move, by the RAKYAT and opposition parties, to fight for a clean and fair election.

The necessity of the rally could be justified by countless failure to have fruitful roundtable discussion (you need evidence for this, find some articles online and post the links here for reference). Hence, it is unjustifiable to claim that the Opposition parties are exploiting the rally, unless you are speaking from the government’s perspective, and not from an independent point of view.

As a Malaysian, I really hope that the country’s election(s) is fair and taintless from negative elements to truly reflect a democratic society whichever government may be elected.

It is not properly founded to simply accuse another person’s effort as politically motivated simply because of the participation of Opposition parties.

In short, this point is a baseless accusation.

2) Street rally is undemocratic, uncivilized and against Malaysian culture.

‘Democracy’ is a form of government in which all citizens have an equal say in the decision that affects their lives. Ideally, this includes equal and free participation in the proposal of ideals or suggestions, and their development through the constituted parliamentary process or governmental process into laws or policies respectfully. Democracy also encompasses social, economic and cultural conditions that enable the free and equal practice of political self-determination.

Thus, it is democratic to express one’s concerns, opinions and suggestions on any policies, legislations or matters affecting his or her life. As long as the means used are peaceful and not harmful to the public, it cannot possibly be wrong to say that there is nothing undemocratic to deliver certain messages on the street to the government. Instead, it would be rather undemocratic to prohibit citizens of a democratic country to assemble and voice out their concerns which apparently have not being adequately addressed by their elected representatives during Parliamentary sessions or on the streets of the political constituencies.

‘Civilization’ whereas refers to an outcome of strong culture and religion of a society, although the term itself is sometimes controversial as it is often used to refer to an international standard of conduct. Be it international or local, would it be proper to term a peaceful street rally as uncivilized or against Malaysian culture?

In Malaysia’s book of history, street rallies have indeed been used to express the people’s dissatisfaction as well as their aspirations. President of Malaysia’s Bar Council, Mr. Lim Chee Wee pointed out in a press conference (http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/print/malaysia/public-rallies-part-of-malaysian-history-says-bar-council/) that UMNO founder Datuk Onn Jaafar, the grandfather of Home Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein, had led mass protests in a bid to protect Malay interests against British plans to form the Malayan Union in 1946.

“Subsequent UMNO leaders have also led street demonstrations, for example, to call for independence and those in support of the Palestinians,” said Lim at the press conference,”

“Those who say that street protests are not part of our culture are clearly ignorant of our nation’s rich history... the largest protest against the Malayan Union was not less than 15,000 (people),” he added.

An appreciation of our forefathers’ peaceful but forceful fight for national independence would allow us to reason that street rally is not very much against Malaysian culture or civilization. And we are not even talking about rallies or demonstrations in other republic or democratic countries which we earnestly look up to like in the U.S., or Australia or even our neighboring Thailand and the Philippines. To claim that street rally is uncivilized and against our culture would indeed be sort of ignorant of the significance and beauty of the freedom of assembly and freedom of speech and expression. Indirectly, would not such ignorant view denote that our country’s independence was obtained by undemocratic and uncivilized means?

3) BERSIH is sending a wrong impression to the international community.

BERSIH organizers have been adamant in their claims and determination to hold a peaceful street rally for the purposes of electoral reform, as opposed to a violent one. This stance could be interpreted as an act of democratization for a developing nation after having attained Independence for more than 50 years. Should the government permit such rallies for a good cause would not other developing nations see Malaysia as a role model in building a democratic government by its people, of its people and for its people? Would not Malaysia then be seen as matured, civilized, fair and transparent even in international dealings from the manner its government handles internal affairs? Instead it is rather controversial as to which party has been sending a wrong impression to the international community. The whole world can and would have witnessed for themselves which party is acting for peace and justice in light of the unprovoked attacks and force used against unarmed civilians during the recent 9th July street rally.

4) BERSIH is causing a lot of damage to the country.

Indeed, street rallies and demonstrations could bring along with them a lot of inconvenience to members of the public and loss of business or profits to certain groups of society especially when streets and cities are locked-down in a defense against apparently uncivilized peaceful rally. Could the material damage caused by one street rally be relatively more severe as compared to never-ending but rather increasing issues and realities of corruption and manipulated elections? In a way, BERSIH has actually successfully created a rather intense sense of awareness among our Rakyat about their country, elections, politics, and more importantly Malaysia’s future. Individuals who have only minded their own business since the last election now start to question, “when is the next election?” and taking heed of all kinds of political upheaval which would enable them to make the right decision for their own future, the future of their children and the direction of the country as a whole. So, does the BERSIH rally entirely bring detriment to the country is your view to take.

5) BERSIH is not being held in the right place.

The venue for the BERSIH rally is one of the most controversial issues. The rally, which was scheduled to be held on the streets of Kuala Lumpur was initially severely condemned with no room for compromises. However, after a much delayed audience with His Royal Highness, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong of Malaysia, our Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Abdul Razak finally took the ruling government’s first step of compromise and made a ‘loud’ promise to allow the rally to be held in one of the stadiums with no conditions attached.

Regretfully, as much as the rally campaigners would have desired much to obey the counsel of His Royal Highness, the promise made by the ruling government ended up seemingly more like a ploy to delay the rally and make a fool out of their ‘nemesis’. Not only the application to use Stadium Merdeka was refused quite immediately after the Prime Minister’s statement was published nation-wide; the organizer was also ‘advised’ to apply for a stadium outside of Kuala Lumpur. Should not that ‘advice’ have been stated in the Prime Minister’s compromise? Based on these two facts, it is up to the general public to consider whether there has been a fair opportunity provided to the rally organizers to willingly accept the promise made to them?

There are primarily two correlated reasons claimed by the authorities for so rejecting BERSIH’s application to use Stadium Merdeka for the rally:

a) Stadium Merdeka is situated in the centre of KL city. To hold such an event there would cause massive traffic congestion; and

b) The traffic congestion would then cause ample inconvenience to the general public at large.

Well, it is true that the BERSIH organizers could have switched the venue to Shah Alam to avoid a direct confrontation with police forces. However, in my humble opinion, there are reasons behind the organizers’ decision to proceed with its initial plan:

Fact 1#

The BERSIH organizers were ‘advised’ by the government to apply for a permit to use the Shah Alam Stadium despite no guarantee from the Prime Minister himself and the police force that such application would be granted in the short period of time (so much for a compromise or a promise). Instead, the organizers would have to apply for the permit via ordinary procedures and hope for the ‘goodwill’ of their democratically-elected government to allow their application. Suddenly, the promise to allow for a stadium-held rally fades into redundancy.

Reason 1#:

Taking into consideration that the Prime Minister has reiterated that he would leave all these matters to the discretion of the police or relevant parties and also the organizers’ recent experience in the Stadium Merdeka’s application, would it be considered responsible and committed instead for an organizer of a well-publicized rally to simply take the risk of ending up with no determinate venue at the very last minute? What if the application to use the Shah Alam Stadium is also turned down just like the application to use Stadium Merdeka? The organizers have no time to waste just to reorganize the event, change the rally’s route, re-arrange all logistics and inform all parties of the changed venue. It would also cause great confusion to the participants, especially the ones who would travel from outside Kuala Lumpur. Without the authorities’ co-operation, certainly holding the rally in the Shah Alam Stadium or any other stadium for that matter is a rather hard mission to accomplish. In such context, it must be understood that for true democracy to take place ‘it takes two hands to clap’ (that is both the government and the people must earnestly co-operate and compromise).

Fact 2#

Few reasons could be cited to explain the organizers’ decision to hold the BERSIH rally at Stadium Merdeka which are the participants’ convenience and the significance of the venue. Kuala Lumpur is the meeting point of all States and reflective of the Federal rule. Stadium Merdeka also reflects the voice of the people who called for and witnessed Malaysia’s Independence 54 years ago. The Shah Alam Stadium whereas is less strategic and quite inconvenient considering that public transport to the Shah Alam Stadium is rather lacking. This venue would also lack the prominence which Stadium Merdeka has.

Reason 2#:

Take my case as an example. I am probably one of the many other Malaysians who have no idea how to take public transport to Shah Alam Stadium from my house in Kuchai Lama. Usually, it would take me about 10 minutes to drive over to Midvalley to catch a favorite movie. If I were to use public transport, it would have taken me at least 30 minutes to reach Midvalley taking into account minimal waiting time.

What if I were to take public transport to Shah Alam? Firstly, I personally have no idea how to do just that. Secondly, based on my friends’ experiences, I know that it could cost me at least about half an hour to an hour if not more just to reach Shah Alam Stadium minus all the waiting time. Given the current state of reliability of Malaysian public transport, the organizer would surely have been worried about the inconveniences caused to its participants, hence significantly reducing the number of supporters. Furthermore, if everyone else were to use their own vehicles much traffic congestion also would be caused along the highways and within the particularly affected Shah Alam area.

The government would undeniably have a legitimate concern to prevent and to control any possible disruption to the people’s daily life and traffic congestion in KL City thus its decision to request that the BERSIH rally be taken off the streets.

However, considering that the Organizers have compromised to hold the demonstration at Stadium Merdeka, would it still be appropriate for authorities to turn down their request at the very last minute and require the organizer to try another stadium? Just another point to ponder, would not and had not the decision to set up road blocks at major highway to check if you have yellow shirts a day before the rally and to close down ALL forms of public transport accessible to KL City on the rally day cause even greater inconvenience to the public at large?

I wonder whether the main concern is about road conditions.

6) BERSIH is provocative and threatens the security of the country.

The true objective of organizing the BERSIH rally must be carefully considered and understood before strongly accusing its organizers and the rally of such intimidating and criminal act. Does BERSIH truly intend to overthrow the government? Is BERSIH designed to instill hatred and disunity among loving, peaceful and knowledgeable Malaysians? Has BERSIH threatened those who chose not to support the street rally? Has BERSIH taken up arms during the rally?

The security of the country is undeniably one of the many considerations which Malaysia’s Home Minister and the PDRM (Royal Malaysian Police Force) should take into account when discharging their duties.

Nevertheless, although the BERSIH rally could be in the face of unpredictable but certainly unintended untoward incident, would it be tantamount to threatening the security of the country? What about the incidents when PERKASA president had publicly threatened the Christian community as well as publicly warned the Chinese community to stock up before the street rally?

Regretfully, the Internal Security Act and Emergency Ordinance do not seem to have been utilized for their due purposes when these legislations were most needed but are instead seen to have been manipulated for political reasons.

ALL WE WANT IS TRUE DEMOCRACY

Idealistically, a peaceful assembly is a right of anyone called a human being and could reasonably be allowed for noble objectives. However, realistically, a street rally could wreak havoc, or even worse result in injuries, death, or economic downturn. Thus, the potential damage is well-recognized, yet this consideration alone is insufficient to simply prohibit street rallies.

Take driving for an example. Driving can be a safe activity, yet it could cause injury or death if the driver drives recklessly. Does it then mean that driving should be prohibited for all men for whatever purpose? To prevent untoward accidents, Parliament has enacted relevant laws to punish those who irresponsibly abuse road-use. In addition, traffic police officers are duty-bound to maintain the safety of road users.

Therefore, street rallies would similarly involve certain potential damage, but the damage could be minimized with the co-operation of various parties. Police forces should be there maintaining the safety of the participants, not to attack them. Participants themselves should also be acting responsibly in order to ensure the safety of others and for more efficient achievement of a noble peace walk. Those who act irresponsibly or dangerously during the rally should indeed be arrested, but not every one of the peaceful demonstrators.

In my humble opinion, the people of this country would truly appreciate and respect the government even more if justifiable reasons could be given to refuse a peaceful rally or better still to allow for peaceful rallies to be held for good causes without unnecessary restrictions, or to deploy police forces to ensure the safety of rally participants and maintain traffic conditions.

If the government would do as such, it certainly would earn the present government the title, “Caring Government”- in its truest sense.

Written by G. Jack

Edited by H.P. Tan

Law of the Few

Do you know how can a word-of-mouth or rumor spread as fast and broad as a contagious virus?

Do you know how could a fashion trend spread like an epidemic across the country within a short span of time?

Do you know what trigger such epidemics and why some lasted only for a short period of time while others remained for decades?

Well, “The Tipping Point” by Malcolm Gladwell, is a book dedicated to explain how a trend is triggered to spread like an epidemic and tip in a society, and why some of the trend lasted only for a short time while others remained for decades.

There are generally three rules to observe in studying the pattern of an epidemic:

The Three Rules of Epidemics

According to Gladwell, there are three basic rules of epidemics:

1) The Law of The Few;

2) The Stickiness Factor; and

3) The Power of Context.

Having read the book, I find the messages conveyed are worth sharing here as they sharpen my very initial perspectives of businesses and, particularly, marketing strategies. To summarize the book in a single article here is too simplistic and rather lengthy, hence I find it rather practical to share with my friends a very interesting and revealing aspect of the book - The Law of the Few.

A rumor, trend or epidemic is not normally originated by ordinary persons like you and me. These trends are specifically driven by a few exceptional people in the society. More often than not, these very few exceptional people are themselves unaware of their importance in spreading a particular epidemic, though they are the few vital stimulus to the epidemics.

The Law of the Few (Connectors, Mavens, and Salesman)

“They are driven by the efforts of a handful of exceptional people.” Gladwell says.

An epidemic is spread and driven not by a large pool of people, but a few exceptional people. These few exceptional people are the ones who are responsible for tipping a trend which spread like a contagious virus. They are the trend translators who translate a new activity/product/service to the language that we can easily understand and comfortably follow suit.

Generally, there are three groups of these exceptional people.

First Group - Connectors

The first group of people is called Connectors. They are the ones who connect you to the world of others. Most of us are surrounded by a few connectors in our social network; they are the ones who introduce you new friends, whom you find it not possible to get to know because of different professions or place of residence.

Besides, they are the ones related in many of the friendships you are having right now e.g. Ali is my friend because of Peter, and I know Peter because of Ken. In turn, I know Ken because of Jack (Connecter), who introduced him to me 2 years ago. In short, they are the most socially connected persons around you.

“Acquaintances, in short, represent a source of social power, and the more acquaintances you have the more powerful you are. We rely on them to give us access to opportunities and worlds to which we don't belong.”

Second Group - Mavens

The word Maven comes from the Yiddish, and it means one who accumulate knowledge. These are the people having the most information about a particular product/service/sale. A simple way to identify them is to recognize the ones who are always there telling you a particular promotion of a product or sale in a particular store.

Mavens are not passive collector of information, they are obsessed with how to get the best deal on a can of coffee.

“What sets them apart is that once they figure out how to get that deal, they want to tell you about it too.”

Remember when you are hesitant about buying either an iphone or blackberry, you would normally consult a friend of yours for his advice. Well, he is the Maven in the field of technology.

Do you know another Maven in another field? I’m sure you do.

Third Group - Salesman

They are the most persuasive person in the planet. They are the ones whom you always agree with. Sometimes, it is not what they say matters, but how they present their points matter more in gaining your agreement or acceptance. They are certainly the ones who needed in your company to promote your products, simply because they can persuade your customers.

These are the people whom The Law of The Few means. They are the key people carrying contagious information and they are the ones responsible to turn a simple message into highly contagious information or epidemic.

Intending to create a higher sense of awareness about your products, services or company in a highly digitized world in a most effective way possible?

Look for these few people!

Why is our brain so big?

A revealing answer obtained from the book, "The Tipping Point" by Malcolm Galdwell, to the mystery that why our brains are the biggest among all mammals, even some of us don't really use it.

Unexpectedly, the answer, a British anthropologist Robin Dunbar argues, is group size.

"If you look at any species of primate - at every variety of monkey and ape - the larger their neocortex is, the larger the average size of the groups they live with. " Dunbar says.

The argument is that brains evolve, they get bigger, in order to handle the complexities of larger social group.

Logic seems to fit in the argument. Wait! Does it mean that our brains are getting bigger and bigger over time in order to handle the complexities of larger social group? Does it mean that the more friends we need to handle, the bigger our brains (indirectly, our heads) become?

Pity our future generations.(smiley face)

Nevertheless, Dunbar doesn't stop there.

"If you plug in the neocortex ratio for Homo Sapiens, you get a group estimate of 147.8 - or roughly 150."

"The figure of 150 seems to represent the maximum number of individuals with whom we can have a genuinely social relationship, the kind of relationship that goes with knowing who they are and how they relate to us, putting it another way, it is the number of people you would not feel embarrassed about joining uninvited for a drink if you happened to bump into them in a bar." He says.

So, do you have more than 150 good friends?

Mind you, if you do, do consider unfriending them, cause it could make you a big head monster someday =p

DRAFT OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNDERGRADUATES’ UNION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA

DRAFT OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNDERGRADUATES’ UNION
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA

ARRANGEMENT OF ARTICLES

Part I
GENERAL

Article

1. Effect of Constitution
2. Interpretation

Part II
The Union

3. Election
4. The Objects and Functions

Part III
The URC

5. Executive Committee
6. Fund

PART IV
RIGHTS OF THE MEMBERS

7. Right to propose, vote and pass motions
8. Right to propose motions during General Meetings
9. Right to initiate General Meetings
10. Right to attend General Meetings
11. Right to examine accounts
12. Right to participate in any URC Project
13. Right to refer member to the Independent Commission

PART V
POWERS AND DUTIES OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

14. Power to hold General Meeting
15. Power to approve URC project
16. Power of appointment
17. Duties of the executive committee

PART VI
INDEPENDENT COMMISSION

18. Committee
19. Punishments
20. Announcement of Decision
21. Attendance before Independent Commission
22. Consequence of failure to attend before Independent Commission
23. Explanation of facts and taking of plea
24. Member’s evidence
25. Recall of witness
26. Report of Recommendation to faculty or institution, etc.
27. Submission of Report of Recommendation

PART VII
DISPUTE RESOLUTION

28. Mechanism to address any arising matters related to URC Projects

PART VIII
AMENDMENT OR REVOCATION OF THE CONSTITUTION

29. Procedure of amending or revoking the Constitution

Part I
GENERAL

Effect of the Constitution

1. (1) This Constitution shall bind every member of the Union.
Provided that it shall not be inconsistent with the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971, the Constitution of University of Malaya, any Statute, Rules or Regulations of the University of Malaya.

(2) This Constitution stipulates the rights and obligations of every member of the Union and the URC.

Interpretation

2. In this Constitution, unless the context otherwise requires ──

“Board” means the board of Directors of the University of Malaya;

“Constitution” means the Constitution of the Union;

“Executive Committee” means the four office-bearers of the URC as elected under Article 5(1) of the Constitution;

“General Meeting” means any meeting called by the Executive Committee whereupon every member has been invited to attend and vote on any motion put forward;

“Independent Commission” means a commission independent from URC established by the Vice-Chancellor to conduct investigations on the matter referred to and propose recommendations;

“Member” means the member of the URC;

“Registered Student” means a student who is following a course of study in the University for a degree or a diploma, not being a post-graduate diploma, and includes a student who is a holder of a diploma and is following a course of study for a degree:

Provided that a student shall cease to be a registered student within the meaning of this subsection ──

(a) upon the publication of the results of the final examination for such course of study, if he passes such examination; or
(b) upon the publication of the results of any examination for such course of study, if he fails such examination, until he is, thereafter, registered again for that or another course of study applicable to a registered student under this subsection.

“Show of just cause” means any reason, justification or explanation in written form supporting any proposal, policy, or decision of the URC;

“Union” means the Undergraduates’ Union of the University of Malaya;

“URC Project” means any project, event or activity approved and managed by the URC;

“URC” means the Undergraduates’ Representative Council;

“Vice-Chancellor” means the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Malaya.

Part II
The Union

Election

3. (1) The registered students of the University, other than external students, shall together constitute a body to be known as the Undergraduates’ Union of the University.

(2) The Union shall elect the URC in the following manner:

(a) the registered students of each Faculty, School, Centre, Academy and Institute shall elect by secret ballot conducted by the Dean of the Faculty or the Head of the School, Centre, Academy or Institute, as the case may be, such uniform number, as may be determined by the Vice-Chancellor, of registered students of the respective Faculty, School, Centre, Academy and
Institute to be representatives in the URC; and

(b) the registered students as a whole shall elect by secret ballot conducted by any officer appointed by the Vice-Chancellor for that purpose such number of registered students to be representatives in the URC as may be determined by the Vice-Chancellor, being, in any case, not more than half of the number of representatives elected under paragraph (a).


The objects and functions of the Union

4. The objects and functions of the Union shall be ──

(a) to foster a spirit of corporate life among the students of the University;

(b) to organize and supervise, subject to the direction of the Vice-Chancellor, student welfare facilities in the University including recreational facilities, spiritual and religious activities, and the supply of meals and refreshments;

(c) to make representations to the Vice-Chancellor on all matters relating to, or connected with, the living and working conditions of the students of the University;

(d) to be represented on any body which may, in accordance with Rules made by the Board for the purpose, be appointed to undertake student welfare activities in the University; and

(e) to undertake such other activities as may be determined by the Board from time to time.

Part III
The URC

Executive Committee

5. (1) The URC shall elect from among its members a President, a Vice-President, Secretary and a Treasurer by way of secret ballot, who shall be its only office-bearers forming the Executive Committee.

(2) The Executive Committee elected under Clause (1) shall be from those who are elected under Article 3(2)(b).

(3) The office-bearers of URC other than those elected under Clause (1) shall otherwise be authorised in writing by the Vice-Chancellor and the office-bearers so authorized shall be elected by the URC from the members of the URC.

(4) The election of the office-bearers under Clause (1) and (3) shall be taken by a majority vote with not less than two thirds of the members being present and voting.

(5) The members of the URC and its office-bearers shall be elected for one year, and the commencement date of such office-bearers shall take effect retrospectively from the day of election.

(6) No student against whom disciplinary proceedings are pending, or who has been found guilty of a disciplinary offence, shall remain a member of the URC, unless authorized in writing by the Vice-Chancellor.

(7) The URC shall hold meetings from time to time as it may deem necessary and it shall be the duty of the Secretary to keep minutes of every meeting of the URC and such minutes shall be confirmed at a subsequent meeting.


Fund

6. (1) The URC maintain a fund of the Union which shall consist of subscriptions paid by members of the Union, as may be determined on the constitution of the Union, and donations received from persons and organisations approved by the Board.

(2) The fund of the Union shall be expended in accordance with Clause (3) and the provisions of the Constitution and no payment from the fund shall be made unless written claims are made and supported by receipts and vouchers.

(3) The fund of the Union may be expended for payment of administrative costs of the Union, including audit of its account, and fro any payment connected with or arising out of the carrying out of its objects and functions as specified in Article (4).

(4) Nothing contained in Clause (1), (2) and (3) shall entitle the Union or the URC or any of its
members or office bearers to apply the fund of the Union, whether directly or indirectly, for the promotion of the objects of a political party or a trade union body or an organisation to which it is not affiliated.

(5) The Treasurer shall keep proper accounts of the URC and not later than three months after the end of every financial year, being a financial year as specified by the Vice-Chancellor, a copy of the said accounts which shall be audited by a person appointed by the Board shall be submitted by the URC for approval to the Board.

PART IV
RIGHTS OF THE MEMBERS

Right to propose, vote and pass motions

7. (1) Every member has the right to propose and vote on any motion in all General
Meetings.

(2) The URC’s decision shall be taken by a majority vote with not less than two-third of the members being present and voting.

(3) The right to vote shall either be exercised by a show of hands or, upon agreement by simple majority of members present, by secret ballot.

(4) The right to vote upon a specific matter put forward during General Meetings shall not be assigned to another member.


Right to propose motions during General Meetings

8. (1) Every member has the right to propose a motion or motions with a show of just cause.

(2) The right to propose motions shall include, but is not limited to, the following:

(a) to object to any policy, decision or action made, whether executed or not, by the Executive Committee, and includes, but not limited to the following matters:

(i) appointment of Sub-Committee members and Project Directors;
(ii) selection of ad-hoc committee members for any URC project;
(iii) approval or management of any URC project;
(iv) statement, resolution or any express representation made by the Executive Committee;

(b) to object any policy, decision or action made, whether executed or not, by the ad-hoc committee of any URC project;

(c) to review the whole, or a part, of the running of any URC Project;

(d) to initiate a new URC Project, provided that it shall not, directly or indirectly, overlap or compete with any existing URC Project;

(e) to recommend the removal of a Project Director, Sub-Committee member, or any member of any URC Project; or

(f) to submit any matter concerning the affairs of any URC Project to the Dispute Resolution Mechanism as provided under Article 28.

(3) All the motions made under this Article shall be seconded by another member.


Right to initiate General Meetings

9. (1) Every member has the right to initiate a General Meeting via one of members of the Executive Committee through a written memorandum supported by simple majority of the total members.

(2) Upon the failure of the Executive Committee to hold a General Meeting after a successful written memorandum as provided in Clause (1), the members have the right to hold and chair a General Meeting with or without the presence of the Executive Committee, and that the chairman shall be elected by a simple majority of members present.


Right to attend General Meetings

10. (1) Every member has the right to attend any General Meeting.

(2) Every member has the right to reschedule the date of any General Meeting with a show of just cause and accompanied by a written memorandum supported by a simple majority of the total members.


Right to examine accounts

11. (1) Every member has the right to examine the accounts of the URC, or any URC Project, with or without show of just cause.

(2) The members may pass a motion requesting for the establishment of an Audit Committee in which its committee members shall be elected through a General Meeting by simple majority of members present to be entrusted with the task of auditing the accounts of the URC.

Right to participate in any URC Project

12. (1) Every member has the right to participate in any URC Project as an ad-hoc
committee member.

(2) Every member has the right to attend any interview conducted by URC to recruit ad-hoc committee members for any URC Project.

(3) Every member has the right to propose a date, or object to a proposed date, of any event or activity organised under any URC Project, provided that such proposal or objection is made by show of just cause.

(4) Every member has the right to refer any matter relating to the general affairs and running of any URC Project to the dispute resolution mechanism as provided in Part VII of this
Constitution.


Right to refer member to the Independent Commission

13. (1) Every member has the right to propose and vote a motion to refer any member of URC to the Independent Commission if ──

(a) the member has been absent from the General Meeting for two consecutive times without any valid reason;

(b) the member has said or done anything that is prejudicial against the interest and reputation of URC;

(c) the member has neglected or refused to perform his duties and obligations of URC.

(2) A motion under Clause (1) shall be made in writing with the support of at least two-thirds of the total members.
.

PART V
POWERS AND DUTIES OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

Power to hold General Meeting

14. (1) The Executive Committee has the power to hold General Meeting upon –

(a) a motion of any member or members in accordance with Article 8(1);

(b) its own initiative with a simple majority support from the Executive Committee.

(2) Subject to Article 10(2), the Executive Committee has the power to determine the date and time of General Meetings.

(3) The Executive Committee has the power to appoint any member to chair the General Meetings.


Power to approve URC project

15. (1) The Executive Committee has the power, subject to Article 8(2)(a)(iii), to approve all
URC projects.

(2) The Executive Committee has the power to delegate its functions and responsibilities
of any URC project to an ad-hoc committee headed by a Project Director.


Power of appointment

16. (1) The Executive Committee has the power to appoint Project Directors to manage any
URC Project.

(2) The Executive Committee has the power to appoint Sub-Committee members to assist in its work.


The Executive Committee shall ──

17. (1) implement immediately and accordingly any motion that has been passed during a
General Meeting in accordance with Article 7;

(2) communicate any of its policy or decision, with sufficient notice, to its members as soon as may be, except if a duration has been expressly provided on a specific matter in this Constitution;

(3) hold, at least, one General Meeting every month during the academic semesters;

(4) hold a General Meeting upon receiving a successful written memorandum proposing to initiate a General Meeting from the members in accordance with Article 9(1);

(5) reschedule any General Meeting accordingly from the original date to a new date upon receiving a successful written memorandum proposing to reschedule the General Meeting from the members in accordance with Article 10(2);

(6) reveal the accounts of the URC upon request of any member in the exercise of his rights under Article 11(1) no later than one week after the date of request;

(7) reveal the accounts of the URC in its updated form in all the General Meetings; and

PART VI
INDEPENDENT COMMISSION

Committee

18. (1) The committee member of the Independent Commission shall consist of ──

(a) a Deputy Registrar from Students’ Affair and Alumni Department; and
(b) a member from the Faculty of Law, University of Malaya; and
(c) a professor from University of Malaya, who shall be determined by the Vice-Chancellor.

(2) The Independent Commission shall be established by the Vice-Chancellor within 20 days from such date as the motion of referral under Article 13 is successfully passed.


Punishment

19. A member who has been found to contravene any of the grounds under Article 13 shall be liable to any one or both of the following punishments:

(1) A warning;
(2) Suspension from being a member of URC for a specified period not exceeding 60 days

20. Upon receiving the report of recommendation under Article 26, the Vice-Chancellor shall announce his decision of any of the punishments under Article 19 within 20 working days.


Attendance before Independent Commission

21. The Independent Commission shall notify the referred member of the alleged offence and therein require the member to attend before it on a specified date, time and venue.


Consequence of failure to attend before Independent Commission

22. Where a member fails to attend before the Independent Commission in accordance with Article 20, he shall immediately be suspended from being a member of URC and such suspension shall continue until such member offers to attend before the Independent Commission and does, in fact, attend before the Independent Commission on the date and at the time which the Independent Commission may specify after the member has offered to attend before the
Independent Commission.


Explanation of facts and taking of plea

23. At the hearing, the Independent Commission shall explain to the member the facts of the offence alleged to have been committed by the member and call him to plead thereto.


Member’s evidence

24. If the Independent Commission finds that there is a case to answer, the member shall be invited to give his evidence, call any witness or produce any document or other article in his defence; the Independent Commission may question the member or any of his witnesses and inspect any such document or article, and the member may re-examine any of his witnesses.


Recall of witness

25. The Independent Commission may question or recall any witness at any time before it recommends proper punishment to the Vice-Chancellor.


Submission of Report of Recommendation

26. After hearing the witnesses and examining the documents or other articles produced before it, the Independent Commission shall submit a report of recommendation of punishments specified in Article 19 to the Vice-Chancellor within 5 working days.


Report of Recommendation to faculty or institution, etc.

27. (1) The Independent Commission shall send a copy of the report of recommendation in respect of the hearing to the ──

(a) Deputy Vice-Chacellor of Students’ Affair and Alumni Department; and
(b) Dean of the Faculty or Institution in which the member study

PART VII
DISPUTE RESOLUTION

Mechanism to address any arising matters related to URC Projects

28. (1) The Executive Committee shall be the first to deliberate and decide on any matter
brought forward by a member relating to the general affairs of any URC Project through the exercise of his rights under Article 8(2)(f).

(2) The decision of the Executive Committee made pursuant to Clause (1) shall be communicated to the members within 7 days from the date of the decision.

(3) After the decision has been made by the Executive Committee pursuant Clause (1), or if no decision is made within a week, any member may propose a motion under Article 7 to refer the matter, with show of just cause, to the General Meeting.

PART VIII
AMENDMENT OR REVOCATION OF THE CONSTITUTION

Procedure of amending or revoking the Constitution

29. (1) Any Article in this Constitution is subject to any amendment or revocation effected
through a motion successfully passed during the General Meeting.

(2) Any motion to amend or revoke the Constitution shall only be passed if it is passed
by two-thirds majority of members present in a General Meeting with a quorum of more than two thirds of the total members.

(3) The amendment or revocation shall be approved by the Board and shall not have effect until so approved.